Protest, 44 political prisoners were deported to torture in Star heavenly bodies
“Banish Abolfazl Abedini efforts to prevent the violation of the Blood Star

The text of the statement and signatories of the word are as follows:

Abolfazl Abedini Saturday this week, almost four years in prison without prison movement has to leave, without any legal justification section 350 of Evin prison, he was deported to Iran. He was active as a Irandust, the youth, simply because actively pursuing national interests and objectives, and human rights activities, like many other Green activists suffered severe and unjust sentences and been sentenced to twelve and a half years.
Therefore, if we assume that the suspect was not entirely off the mark, his reaction to his exile to avoid being trampled Sattar blood was heavenly.

 

Signatories:

1 – Mohammed Ibrahim

2 – Hasan Asadi husband

3 – Amir Eslami

4 – R. exclusive

5 – Ebrahim Babaei

6 – M. Badkvbh a

7 – Emad Bahavar

8 – the hope being

9 – Sir nejad

10 – SA Beheshti Shirazi

11 – Kamyar Parsa

12 – Massoud Pedram

13 Mehdi Tajik

14 – Rare Johnny

15 – Amin Dexterity

16 – Siavash Hatam

17 – Ali Kh

18 – Mehdi God

19 – M student

20 – Mohammad Davari

21 – Amir Khusrau Dlyrsany

22 – Ali Rajai

23 – Mohammad Reza

24 – Ylrza clear

25 – Seyyed Hossein Maleki prosperity

26 – Mustafa string builder

27 – Hossein golden

28 – Soltani

29 – Mustafa Abdi

30 – God is gracious Arabs red

31 – B. Arabian Flower

32 – Siamak Ghaderi

33 – Afshin Pour cream

34 – Hamid Croatia

35 – J. treasure

36 – Hamid Reza Moradi

37 – Saeed Madani

38 – Abdollah Momeni

39 – M. MirDamadi

40 – pictured Naghipour

41 – Mohammad Amin Hadavi

42 – Syed Ahmad Hashmi

43 – F Yadollahi

44 – Muhammad Hassan Yousef A.

اعتراض ۴۴ زندانی سیاسی به تبعید شاهد آثار شکنجه در بدن ستار بهشتی
» تبعید ابوالفضل عابدینی نتیجه تلاش برای جلوگیری از پایمال شدن خون ستار بود

متن این بیانیه و اسامی امضا کنندگان آن که در اختیار کلمه قرار گرفته به شرح زیر است:

شنبه این هفته ابوالفضل عابدینی زندانی جنبش سبز که قریب چهار سال است در حبس بدون مرخصی به سر می‌برد، بدون هیچ توجیه قانونی از بند ۳۵۰ زندان اوین به اهواز تبعید شد. وی به عنوان یک فعال ایراندوست، در عنفوان جوانی، صرفا به دلیل پیگیری مجدانه اهداف و منافع ملی و فعالیت‌های حقوق بشری، همچون بسیاری دیگر از کوشندگان جنبش سبز دستخوش احکام شدید و ناعادلانه شده و به دوازده و نیم سال حبس محکوم گردیده است.
عابدینی در طول دوران حبس، علی رغم محدودیت های شخصی، نسبت به تضییقات و ستم‌های که در قبال دیگر زندانیان سیاسی اعمال می‌شود، برخورد مسئولانه داشته است که یکی از بارز‌ترین آن‌ها، شهادت شجاعانه او به وجود آثار شکنجه در بدن مرحوم ستار بهشتی بود. بنابراین، این گمان بیراه نخواهد بود اگر تصور کنیم، تبعید وی عکس العمل تلاش او برای جلوگیری از پایمال شدن خون ستار بهشتی بوده است.

ما امضا کنندگان زیر ضمن تقبیح تبعید ناعادلانه و بدون توجیه ابوالفضل عابدینی، خواستار بازگشت هر چه سریع‌تر وی هستیم و از دستگاه قضایی قویا می‌خواهیم به رویه‌های جاری نسبت به زندانیان سیاسی که به طور وسیع آمیخته با احکام سنگین و تبعیدهای بی‌حساب است خاتمه دهد.

اسامی امضا کنندگان:

۱- محمد ابراهیمی

۲- حسن اسدی زیدآبادی

۳- امیر اسلامی

۴- رضا انتصاری

۵- ابراهیم بابایی

۶- مصطفی بادکوبه ای

۷- عماد بهاور

۸- امید بهروزی

۹- قربان بهزادیان نژاد

۱۰- سیدعلیرضا بهشتی شیرازی

۱۱- کامیار پارسا

۱۲- مسعود پدرام

۱۳ مهدی تاجیک

۱۴- نادر جانی

۱۵- امین چالاکی

۱۶- سیاوش حاتم

۱۷- علی خدابخش

۱۸- مهدی خدایی

۱۹- مصطفی دانشجو

۲۰- محمد داوری

۲۱- امیر خسرو دلیرثانی

۲۲- علیرضا رجایی

۲۳- محمد رضایی

۲۴- عیلرضا روشن

۲۵- سید حسین رونقی ملکی

۲۶- مصطفی ریسمان باف

۲۷- حسین زرینی

۲۸- عبدالفتاح سلطانی

۲۹- مصطفی عبدی

۳۰- فیض الله عرب سرخی

۳۱- بهزاد عرب گل

۳۲- سیامک قادری

۳۳- افشین کرم پور

۳۴- حمید کرواسی

۳۵- جعفر گنجی

۳۶- حمیدرضا مرادی

۳۷- سعید مدنی

۳۸- عبدالله مومنی

۳۹- محسن میردامادی

۴۰- نصور نقی پور

۴۱- محمد امین هادوی

۴۲- سید احمد هاشمی

۴۳- فرشید یدالهی

۴۴- محمد حسن یوسف پورImage

Hassan Rouhani is concerned about his country’s growing economic troubles and is determined to change policies that have cut off relations with most of the developed world.

TEHRAN — Bogged down in faltering nuclear talks with the European powers nearly 10 years ago, Hassan Rouhani did something that no Iranian diplomat before or since has managed to do.

He took out his cellphone, say Western diplomats who were there, dialed up his longtime friend and associate, Iran’s supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, and convinced him that Iran needed to suspend nuclear enrichment. The call by Mr. Rouhani, who was elected president in June and will take office next week, resulted in an agreement in October 2003, the only nuclear deal between Iran and the West in the past 11 years.

“Rouhani showed that he is a central player in Iran’s political establishment,” said Stanislas de Laboulaye, a retired director general of the French Foreign Ministry, who was a member of the European delegation during the talks between 2003 and 2005. “He was the only one able to sell something deeply unpopular to the other leaders.”

There is growing optimism in Iran and in the West that Mr. Rouhani, 64, is ready to restart serious talks on the nuclear issue; Prime Minister Nuri Kamal al-Maliki of Iraq told the United States this month that Mr. Rouhani wasready to start direct talks, and the Obama administration has indicated a willingness to engage in head-to-head dialogue after years of inclusive multiparty negotiations.

In his campaign for president and again in recent weeks, Mr. Rouhani has made it clear that he is deeply concerned about his country’s growing economic troubles and is determined to soften the harsh tone and intransigent tactics of his predecessor, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, which have stalled nuclear negotiations and cut off relations with most of the developed world. But the question, as always in Iran, is the extent to which a President Rouhani can accomplish these goals.

“It is clear that numerous challenges await him,” said Mirza Agha Motaharinejad, a communications professor who campaigned for Mr. Rouhani in his home province of Semnan. “His political survival starts with who he will pick as cabinet members. The more representatives from different factions, the more support he will have.”

Mr. Rouhani rarely gives one-on-one interviews to reporters.

Any Iranian president has to answer to the supreme leader. But that is not the only limitation on his power in the treacherous and complex politics of the Islamic republic. The rise and precipitous fall of Mr. Ahmadinejad stands as a warning of the fleeting nature of a president’s power in Iran.

Mr. Ahmadinejad came to power and was re-elected — fraudulently, most observers said — as the candidate of the traditionalist faction of ultraconservative clerics and Revolutionary Guards commanders. For years he rode high, taking particular pleasure in sticking the West in the eye, denying the Holocaust and challenging Israel. But by the end of his tenure he was locked in bitter infighting with his former patrons and widely unpopular with the public, which blamed him for the country’s economic woes.

Mr. Rouhani was defeated by the traditionalists after the nuclear deal fell apart in 2005 and left, politically speaking, for dead. He was a “sellout” in his critics’ eyes who had committed the unpardonable sin of showing weakness — though his supporters would call it reasonableness — in the negotiations with the Europeans.

In one of the most startling turnarounds in the history of the Islamic republic, he has managed to resurrect his career from that low point, drawing on connections that trace back to the earliest days of the clerical resistance to the shah. If he is to realize his ambitions of redirecting the country to the moderate course he has laid out — stressing greater individual rights, a relaxation of tensions with the West and the repair of Iran’s flagging economy — he will have to contend with precisely those forces that defeated him and Mr. Ahmadinejad.

Mr. Rouhani was born Hassan Fereydoon during the reign of the pro-Western shah, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, into a family of bazaar businessmen and clerics in a small desert town. A precocious boy, he was only 13 when he began studies at a seminary in the theological center of Qum, where he would befriend many of the men who would later become central figures in the Islamic republic.

“From an early age I would overhear my father telling family members that I would become a cleric,” Mr. Rouhani writes in his memoir, one of six books he has published. “It was my destiny.”

 

Qum was a hotbed of resistance against the shah, and young Hassan fit right in. “We, the students, were ready to be killed, imprisoned or tortured,” Mr. Rouhani wrote in that same memoir, of the 1963 arrest of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, who would later lead the 1979 Islamic Revolution. “We had sticks in our room, and when we heard a car pull up in our alley we were sure we would be arrested.” He was all of 14 at the time.

He later studied law at Tehran University and performed his compulsory military service in Mashhad, where he struck up a friendship with Mr. Khamenei.

In 1978 Mr. Rouhani moved to Britain, taught Islamic jurisprudence at Lancaster University and was set to attend Harvard as a graduate student when the revolution broke out. Instead of Cambridge, Mass., he headed off to Paris to join the exiled Ayatollah Khomeini.

Long known as fiercely intelligent, he became renowned after the revolution for his ability to navigate a system dominated by ideologues, building consensus among many opposing forces. Those close to him describe Mr. Rouhani as the golden boy of the Islamic republic’s close-knit group of leaders and a deal maker who has had a direct hand in most of Iran’s major foreign policy decisions over the past three decades.

He was one of three Iranian officials to meet with the former national security adviser Robert McFarlane when he secretly visited Tehran in 1986 to arrange the arms-for-hostages deal that would later erupt into the Iran-contra scandal. But they caution that he is, above all, a Shiite Muslim cleric who has dedicated his life to the Islamic Revolution, which he will never betray.

“Our opponents are wrong to expect compromises from Rouhani; the sanctions and other pressures will not make us change our stances,” said one of his former closest associates during an interview in Tehran. He requested anonymity because Mr. Rouhani has asked that no one speak in his name. “Rouhani is interested in a dialogue, not a monologue, with the West. He is prepared to reach common ground, but only if the other side is ready to reach common ground.”

In his books on foreign policy, Mr. Rouhani writes that modernity has failed, and that Christians in the West gave in to secularism without a fight. According to him, the United States and the Islamic republic are in permanent conflict. Israel, he writes, is the “axis of all anti-Iranian activities.” Yet he also raises issues like Iran’s massive brain drain and high unemployment figures in a book on the economy, and proposes membership in the World Trade Organization. “We need to keep a good relation with the people; only with them we can continue to resist and confront the U.S.A.,” he wrote in one of his two books on “foreign policy and Islamic thought.”

Nevertheless, diplomats who have faced him in negotiations praised his skills and flexibility. “He is perfectly placed in Iran’s system of power,” said Paul von Maltzahn, a former German ambassador to Iran who met Mr. Rouhani several times. “He is not easily manipulated and assertive.”

The last time they met was during a private visit by the former German foreign minister, Joschka Fischer. Mr. von Maltzahn recalled: “We all had dinner. Mr. Rouhani spoke about Glasgow, where he had studied in the 1990s. He cracked jokes. He’s straightforward, no double dealer.”

During his 16 years as the secretary of Iran’s most important decision organ, the National Security Council, Mr. Rouhani prevented hard-liners from forming an alliance with Saddam Hussein after Iraq invaded Kuwait in 1990, his associates said. Instead, Iran remained neutral. He directed Iran’s unexpectedly respectful reaction to the 9/11 terrorist attacks, and he was instrumental in helping the United States coordinate with opposition forces in Afghanistan and Iraq when the United States invaded those countries.

It was his toughest negotiation — the one that led to the 2003 agreement — that led to his public fall from grace. Is he willing to try again? Analysts say he might well be. “He is a proactive soldier of this system since his youth,” said Nader Karimi Joni, a columnist for reformist papers. “It’s his brainchild, and he feels responsible. Any solutions he will come up with will be within the limits of the system of the Islamic republic.”

Some European diplomats say they fear that Mr. Rouhani was too optimistic in 2003, perhaps getting ahead of most of the leadership. “After a while we started to worry whether he or his team had fully briefed the other leaders,” said one European negotiator, who requested anonymity, not wanting to hurt the chances of success for any coming talks.

But Mr. Rouhani’s associate, who has full knowledge of the talks, disagreed. “Our mistake was that we gave the Europeans too much credit, but they were on the phone with the Americans all the time,” he said. “What matters now is that with Mr. Rouhani’s election a new window of opportunity has opened up for the West. I suggest they seize the moment.”

 Image

But once people were free to attack Iran’s radical Islamist nation that had Badsh Pahlavi,
All the beauty and the ugliness and all the villages became ruins, alas, Iran captured and imprisoned by the rabid and wild Gg is the Iranian people want freedom, prosperity and security in the territory of Iran wish.

روزگاری مردم ایران آزاد و رها بودند اما بعد از حمله قوم اسلامگرای افراطی
به ایرانی که خاندان پهلوی آبادش کرده بودند،همه زیبایی ها به زشتی و همه آبادی ها به ویرانه تبدیل شد،افسوس که ایران اسیر و دربند گگ های هار و وحشی می
باشد،مردم ایران آزدی میخواهند، آبادی سرزمین و امنیت ایران را آرزو میکنند.

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But once people were free to attack Iran’s radical Islamist nation that had Badsh Pahlavi,
All the beauty and the ugliness and all the villages became ruins, alas, Iran captured and imprisoned by the rabid and wild Gg is the Iranian people want freedom, prosperity and security in the territory of Iran wish.
روزگاری مردم ایران آزاد و رها بودند اما بعد از حمله قوم اسلامگرای افراطی به ایرانی که خاندان پهلوی آبادش کرده بودند،همه زیبایی ها به زشتی و همه آبادی ها به ویرانه تبدیل شد،افسوس که ایران اسیر و دربند گگ های هار و وحشی می باشد،مردم ایران آزدی میخواهند، آبادی سرزمین و امنیت ایران را آرزو میکنند.